PIE *ker̂ -d
Gloss: ‘heart’ (item 69 in Bjørn 2017)

Hit. kir, CLuw. UZU zārt-; Toch. B käryāñ (pl.); Lat. cor; OIr. cride; Goth. haírtō; Lith. širdis; OCS srŭdĭce; Gr. κῆρ; Arm. sirt; (?)Ved. hŕ̥d-, (?)Av. zərəd

Notes: The root is indisputably reconstructable for the oldest stratum that may be arrived at with internal evidence alone. Formally the Indo-Iranian initial velar is incompatible with the rest of the stock, which prompts Mayrhofer to dismiss the connection altogether, preferring instead Ved. śrád– (II:818), which, indeed, trumps the voiced option. This anomaly does not question the ultimate fate of the reconstruction. A thorough treatment of the forms is given by Szemerényi (1991:172-190).

External comparanda:
Kartvelian: *m̥-k’erd– ‘chest’ (Klimov 1998:123) or *ḳward (Fähnrich 2007:234)

The Svan comparandum (Klimov məč̣wed, muč̣od ‘chest’; Fähnrich ḳward-wim ‘body, hull’) is contended which brings the initial *m-, as reconstructed by Klimov, into question. Fähnrich’s reconstruction seems preferable as it dispenses of the prefix that appears productive in nominal formations (cf. also Klimov 1998: 111f.). This PIE-Kartvelian comparison may be grouped with *h1esh2-r ‘blood’ (item 33) that falls within the same semantic category, albeit with significantly less appealing formal correspondences. The comparison is altogether convincing, despite the slight semantic shift.

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MA in Indo-European Studies (2017) from the University of Copenhagen. Graduated with the thesis "Foreign elements in the Proto-Indo-European Vocabulary" that forms the basis of my blog. Particular fields of interest are the formation and dissolution of PIE with reference to Uralic and Caucasian languages.

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